Syllabus: General Studies Paper 2

Context:

• For the first time, a document has emerged from the Centre for Policy Research (CPR) in the nature of an alternative to the present foreign and defence policies named ‘India’s Path to Power: Strategy in a world adrift’. 
  • It is authored by eight well-known strategists and thinkers.

Background

• India does not have a tradition of shadow cabinets lurking behind the government in power with ready alternative approaches to policy matters. 
• The opposition challenges government policies, but provides no alternatives to be adopted in the event of a change in government. 
  • It is only at the time of elections that a manifesto is put forward, but that does not become the policy of the government automatically. 
• The opposition uses think tanks and NGOs to float ideas, which may become part of policy if they become publicly acceptable. 
  • Since there has been a consensus on foreign policy, a shadow foreign policy was out of the question.
• In 2012, many of the same authors had produced another document, ‘Non-alignment 2.0’, in the light of the global changes at that time, as a contribution to policy making, without criticising the policies of the government. 
  • But the new government in 2014 had its own ideas and not much attention was given to the study. 

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• The present document, is in the nature of an alternative to the foreign and defence policies of the Modi government, as some of its tenets are not considered conducive to finding a path to power for India in the post-pandemic world. 
• The eight conclusions are quite logical and reasonable, but the tenor and tone of the paper is one of criticism and need for course correction.

Change in foreign policy

• The first term of the Modi government was remarkable for its innovative, bold and assertive foreign policy, which received general approbation. 
  • He laid out his priorities and pursued them with vigour. 
  • After his unconventional peace initiatives with Pakistan failed, he took a firm stand and gained popularity at home. 
  • His wish to have close relations with the other neighbours did not materialise, but his helpful attitude to them even in difficult situations averted any crisis. 
  • He brought a new symphony into India-U.S. relations and engaged China continuously to find a new equation with it. 
  • India’s relations with Israel and the Arab countries became productive. 
• It was when the second Modi government dealt with some of the unfinished sensitive matters, which were essentially of a domestic nature (Article 370, citizenship issues and farming regulations), that their external dimensions led to a challenge to its foreign policy. 
• The opposition in India began to question the foreign policy postures of the government. 
• The pandemic, the economic meltdown and China’s incursion into Ladakh added to the woes of the government.
• The cumulative effect of these developments is reflected in the CPR report. 
  • The foundational source of India’s influence in the world is the power of its example. 
  • This rests on four pillars, domestic economic growth, social inclusion, political democracy and a broadly liberal constitutional order. If these integral pillars remain strong, there is no stopping India.
• This assertion at the beginning of the report is the heart of the report and it is repeated in different forms. 

Significance of the Report

• The finding is that domestic issues have impacted foreign policy and, therefore, India should set its house in order to stem the tide of international reaction. 
• It is important that we acknowledge the perverse impact of domestic political and ideological factors that are driving our foreign policy. 
• Once the basic premise is set aside, the report has many positive elements, which will help policymakers to rethink policy. 
  • For instance, the report rightly points out that “it would be incorrect and counterproductive for India to turn its back on globalisation”.
  • It also suggests that SAARC should be revived and that India should rejoin the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and continue its long-standing quest for membership in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation.
• The report also stresses the importance of strategic autonomy in today’s world where change is the only certainty. 
• As for the India-U.S.- China triangle, the report makes the unusual suggestion that India should have better relations individually with both the U.S. and China than they have with each other.
• The report contains detailed analyses on different regions and key countries, but the general thrust is that all is not well with Indian foreign policy and a fundamental change is necessary to meet the present situation. 
• The report concludes that since China will influence India’s external environment politically, economically and infrastructurally, there is no feasible alternative to a combination of engagement and competition with China. 
• A considerable part of the report is devoted to issues relating to defence, the nuclear doctrine, space, cyberspace and the ecological crisis. 
• On the looming environmental disaster, the report states that since India is still at an early stage of its modern development trajectory, it is not yet locked into an energy-intensive pattern of growth. Much of its infrastructure remains to be built.

• In an energy-dependent country like India, the availability of energy supplies at affordable rates is pivotal for fulfilling developmental priorities.

Background

• The energy sector is beset with problems.
• The distribution sector has for long been the bane of the power sector, consistently making huge losses owing to problems such as expensive long-term power purchase agreements, poor infrastructure, inefficient operations, and leakages and weaknesses in State-level tariff policies.
• Most discoms are deep into the red as high aggregate technical and commercial (AT&C) losses are chipping into their revenues.

Context:

• The post-Covid economic recovery has led to a major increase in the demand for power, both in India and globally.

Background

• In India, coal-based power plants have witnessed rapid depletion of coal stocks from a comfortable 28 days at the end of March to a precarious level of four days by the end of September.
• The country is struggling to understand how the crisis is likely to pan out in the near future.
• Coal India Ltd (CIL) has been unfairly attacked, even as it gears up to play a crucial role in fighting the power crisis.

Reasons for the crisis

• Structural: A government-appointed committee in the early 1990s concluded that CIL “cannot be expected to meet the demand of the power sector, in case the pace of capacity addition accelerates.”
  • This led to an amendment in the Coal Mines Nationalisation Act (CMNA)in 1993 that enabled the government to take away 200 coal blocks of 28 billion tons from CIL and allocate them to end-users for the captive mining of coal.
    • These end-users, mostly in the private sector, failed to produce any significant quantity of coal to meet the rapidly rising power capacity between 2007 and 2016.
    • The cancellation of 214 blocks by the Supreme Court added to the problem.
  • Commensurate with the captive mines allocated to the end-user industries, the coal production today should have been at least 500 million tonnes per annum (mtpa). In reality, this has never exceeded 60 mtpa.
  • CIL, with denuded reserves, is called to meet the rising gap in coal supplies. These structural factors fuelled not just over-expectations from CIL, they also kept the company in a constant state of stress.
• On the operational side, power plants are required by the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) to maintain a minimum stock of 15 to 30 days of normative coal consumption, depending upon the distance of the plant from the source of coal.
  • The compliance with this directive by power plants has been severely lacking. This enhances the vulnerability of power plants, particularly those at longer distances, to supply constraints on account of the coal producer or transporter.
  • The persistent non-payment of coal sale dues by power plants to coal companies has created a serious strain on their working capital position.
  • Some companies were forced to borrow from banks to meet the operational expenses, including disbursement of salaries.
  • According to reports, Rs 18,000 crore is currently due to coal producers.

Context:

• Recently, Global Hunger Index (GHI)  Jointly published by Concern Worldwide and Welthungerhilfe
  • India has slipped to 101st position in the GHI 2021 of 116 countries, from its 2020 position of 94th.

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• The GHI puts India far below some of its neighbouring countries.
• Barring  last year’s rank of 94 out of 107 countries, India’s rank has been between 100 and 103 since 2017.
• This year’s slide in the rank assumes significance especially in the context of COVID-19.

About the Global Hunger Index:

• It is an annual Report Jointly published by Concern Worldwide and Welthungerhilfe.
• It was first produced in 2006. It is published every October. The 2021 edition marks the 16th edition of the GHI.
• Aim: Tocomprehensively measure and track hunger at the global, regional, and country levels.
• It is calculated on the basis of four indicators:
  • Undernourishment:Share of the population with insufficient caloric intake- is applicable for all age groups.
  • Child Wasting:Share of children under age five who have low weight for their height, reflecting acute undernutrition.
  • Child Stunting: Share of children under age five who have low height for their age, reflecting chronic undernutrition.
  • Child Mortality: Themortality rate of children under the age of five.
• Based on the values of the four indicators, the GHI determines hunger on a 100-point scale where 0 is the best possible score (no hunger) and 100 is the worst.
• Each country’s GHI score is classified by severity, from low to extremely alarming.
• Undernourishment data are provided by theFood and Agriculture Organisation and child mortality data are sourced from the UN Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation (UN IGME).
• Child wasting and stunting dataare drawn from the joint database of UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO) and the World Bank, among others.

The global animal feed market is undergoing marked changes that are likely to accelerate this decade. The pattern of global consumption is evolving towards a higher share of animal products in diets. So, higher quantities of crops will be used as feed in the animal husbandry sector.

India’s animal husbandry sector

• Animal husbandry is the management and care of farm animals by humans for profit, in which genetic qualities and behavior, considered to be advantageous to humans, are further developed.
• Livestock plays an important role in the Indian economy.
• A large number of farmers are depends on Animal Husbandry for their livelihood.
• It supports the livelihood of almost 55% of the rural population.
  • As per the Economic Survey-2021, the contribution of Livestock in total agriculture and allied sector Gross Value Added (at Constant Prices) has increased from 24.32% (2014-15) to 28.63% (2018-19).
• In addition to supplying milk, meat, eggs,wool and hides, animals, mainly bullocks, are the major source of power for both farmers and dryers.
• India is the highest livestock owner of the world. According to Livestock Census 2020, total milch cattle population was up by 10.5 per cent to 74.6 million in 2019.
• India is the world’s largest producer of milk and third largest in egg production.
• The annual average growth rate of animal husbandry, diary and fisheries in five years till 2020 was 8.6 per cent.

Syllabus: General Studies Paper 3

Context:

• Recently, the Ministry for Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) published proposed amendments to the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, easing diversion of forests and exempting certain categories of development from the need to take clearance from the Ministry. 

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• The Ministry has invited feedback from state governments and the general public within 15 days. 
• After examining the feedback, it will draw up a draft amendment, followed by the second round of public consultation before an amendment Bill is finally drawn up and tabled in Parliament.

Need of Amendment

• It has been amended only once before, in 1988. 
• The current definition of forests has locked land across the country; even private owners cannot utilise their own property for non-forestry purposes. 
• Under the Act, any diversion of any forest land for any purpose, including assignment of leases, needs prior approval of the Centre.
• In 1996, ruling in T N GodavarmanThirumulpad v Union of India, the Supreme Court had expanded the definition and scope of forest land to include all areas recorded as forest in any government record, irrespective of ownership, recognition and classification. 
• Previously, the Act had applied largely to reserve forests and national parks. 
• The court also expanded the definition of forests to encompass the “dictionary meaning of forests”, which would mean that a forested patch would automatically become a “deemed forest” even if it is not notified as protected, and irrespective of ownership. 
• The order was also interpreted to presume that the Act is applicable over plantations in non-forest land.

Proposed amendments

• The Ministry has proposed that all land acquired by the Railways and Roads Ministries prior to 1980 be exempted from the Act. 
• These lands had been acquired for expansion, but subsequently forests have grown in these areas, and the government is no longer able to use the land for expansion. 
  • If the amendment is brought in, these Ministries will no longer need clearance for their projects, nor pay compensatory levies to build there.
• For individuals whose lands fall within a state-specific Private Forests Act or come within the dictionary meaning of forest as specified in the 1996 Supreme Court order, the government proposes to allow “construction of structures for bona fide purposes’’ including residential units up to 250 sq m as a one-time relaxation.
• Defence projects near international borders will be exempted from forest clearance.
• Oil and natural gas extraction from forested lands will be permitted, but only if technologies such as Extended Reach Drilling are used.
• The Ministry has proposed doing away with levies for non-forestry purposes during the renewal of a lease, saying the double levy at the time of awarding of the lease and the renewal is “not rational”.
• Strip plantations alongside roads that would fall under the Act will be exempted.

Significance

• It has proposed making forest laws more stringent for notified forests, making offences non-bailable with increased penalties including imprisonment of up to one year.
• It has disallowed any kind of diversion in certain forests.
• It has attempted to define and identify forests once and for all — something that has been often ambiguous.

Concerns

• Activists and opposition leaders say the relaxation of forest rules will facilitate corporate ownership and the disappearance of large tracts of forests.
• About the exemption of forests on private land, even former forest officials said many forests will disappear. For instance, 4% of land in Uttarakhand falls under private forests.
• Another concern is citing tribals and forest-dwelling communities — an issue the amendments do not address.
• Environmentalists say exemption for Roads and Railways on forest land acquired prior to 1980 will be detrimental to forests as well as wildlife – especially elephants, tigers and leopards.
• Environmentalists say a one-time exemption for private residences on the private forests will lead to fragmentation of forests and open areas such as the Aravalli mountains to real estate.

Syllabus: General Studies Paper 2

Context:

1. Events coinciding with the jubilee of India’s Independence draw attention to the federal structure of India’s Constitution, which is a democratic imperative of multicultural India, where the constituent units of the sovereign states are based on language, against competing identities such as caste, tribe or religion.
2. This built-in structural potential for conflict within and among the units, and that between them and the sovereign state, need imaginative federal craftsmanship and sensitive political management.
3. With universal adult suffrage and free institutions of justice and governance, it is nearly impossible to polarise its wide-ranging diversity within any single divisive identity, despite its operational flaws, the democratic structure and national integrity are dialectically interlinked.
4. But its operational fault lines are increasingly denting liberal institutions, undermining the federal democratic structure as recent events have underscored.

Some fault lines happened in recent times:

1. First, the tempestuous Parliament session, where the RajyaSabha Chairperson broke down (in August 2021), unable to conduct proceedings despite the use of marshals; yet, the House passed a record number of Bills amidst a record number of adjournments.
2. Second, cross-border police firing by one constituent State against another, inflicting fatalities, which also resulted in retaliatory action in the form of an embargo on goods trade and travel links with its land-locked neighbour.
3. The Union Law Minister (while in Opposition) said that Legislative disruptions are ‘legitimate democratic right, and duty’, justifying the current debate and discussion.
4. Indian federalism needs institutional amendment to be democratically federal:
5. But India’s federal structure is constitutionally hamstrung by deficits on all these counts, and operationally impaired by the institutional dents in the overall democratic process.
6. Structural conflicts– All India Services, including the State cadres. The role of Governors: appointed by the Centre, a political patronage.
7. Thus, most of India’s federal conflicts are structural, reinforced by operational abuses.
8. Yet, there is no federal chamber to politically resolve such conflicts.
9. The RajyaSabha indirectly represents the States whose legislators elect it; this House is a major source of political and financial patronage for all political parties, at the cost of the people of the State they “represent”.
10. The RajyaSabha is not empowered to neutralise the demographic weight of the populous States with larger representation in the popular chamber; it cannot veto its legislations, unlike the U.S. Senate. It can only delay, which explains the disruptions.
11. Joint sessions of LokSabha and RajyaSabha do not appear as successful as expected.

Many deficits that hampering Federalism:

1. Democratic federalism presupposes institutions to ensure equality between and among the units and the Centre so that they coordinate with each other, and are subordinate to the sovereign constitution and their disputes adjudicated by an independent judiciary with impeccable professional and moral credibility.
2. The Indian Constitution itself has been amended 105 times in 70 years compared with 27 times in over 250 years in the United States.
3. With ‘nation-building” as priority, the constitutional division of power and resources remains heavily skewed in favour of the Centre;
4. Along with “Residual”, “Concurrent” and “Implied” powers, it compromises on the elementary federal principle of equality among them, operationally reinforced by extra-constitutional accretion.
5. While the judiciary is empowered to adjudicate on their conflicts, with higher judicial appointments (41% lying vacant), promotion and transfers becoming a central prerogative, their operations are becoming increasingly controversial.
6. India’s bicameral legislature, without ensuring a Federal Chamber, lives up to the usual criticism: “when the second chamber agrees with the first, it is superfluous, when it disagrees, it is pernicious”.
7. The critical instruments of national governance have been either assigned or appropriated by the Centre, with the States left with politically controversial subjects such as law and order and land reforms.
8. The RajyaSabha indirectly represents the States whose legislators elect it, but continue even after the electors are outvoted or dismissed;
9. With no residential qualification, RajyaSabha House is a major source of political and financial patronage for all political parties, at the cost of the people of the State they “represent”.
10. Thus, most of India’s federal conflicts are structural, reinforced by operational abuses.

Federalism: A Universal View:

1. Prior to scrutinizing the nature of the Indian constitution, it is exceedingly essential to appreciate the meaning and quintessence of Federalism.
2. Federalism is one of the most significant factors of modern constitutionalism.
3. It is established all over the world perhaps, as the only form of political organization suited to communities with diversified pattern of objectives, interests and traditions, who seek to join together in the pursuit of common objectives and interests and the cultivation of common tradition.
4. The basic objective of federalism is unity in diversity, devolution in authority and decentralization in administration.
5. The basic condition of federalism is plurality; its fundamental tendency is harmonization and its regulative principle is solidarity.
6. According to Daniel J. Elazara, – Federal system provides a so as to allow each to maintain its fundamental political integrity.
7. Federalism or Federal Structure is a complex governmental mechanism of a country that seeks to establish a balance between the forces working in favour of concentration of power in the centre and those urging disposal of it in a number of units.
8. A federation is a political contrivance to reconcile national unity with state rights. Its originality lies in the fact that power at once is, concentrated as well as divided.

According to the new study, even if humanity beats the odds and caps global warming at 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, seas will rise for centuries to come and swamp cities currently home to half-a-billion people.

Key Highlights of the Environmental Research Letters 

• In a world that heats up another half-degree above that benchmark, an additional 200 million of today’s urban dwellers would regularly find themselves knee-deep in sea water and more vulnerable to devastating storm surges.
• Worst hit in any scenario will be Asia, which accounts for nine of the 10 mega-cities at highest risk.
  • Land home to more than half the populations of Bangladesh and Vietnam fall below the long-term high tide line, in a world with even a 2 degrees Celsius rise.
  • Built-up areas in China, India and Indonesia would also face devastation.
• Most projections for sea level rise run to the end of the century.
• But oceans will continue to swell for hundreds of years beyond 2100 (fed by melting ice sheets, heat trapped in the ocean and the dynamics of warming water) no matter how aggressively greenhouse gas emissions are drawn down.

Context:

State-owned distribution utilities (discoms) continue to be in fragile financial health. In its budget 2021-22, the Union government had announced the launch of a “reforms-based and results-linked” scheme for the distribution sector with the objective of improving the financial health and operational efficiency of discoms.

• The meaning of DISCOM is “Distribution Company (In India)”.
• These companies are not generating electricity themselves, rather purchasing it from someone else and just supplying it to the final consumers.

Challenges for discoms

Their precarious financial position is due to the high level of aggregate technical and commercial (AT&C) losses, the levy of inadequate tariffs when compared to the cost of power supply, and insufficient subsidy support from state governments.

• Their overall debt burden, despite the implementation of the UDAY scheme, is estimated to increase to around Rs 6 lakh crore in the ongoing financial year.
• Their annual cash losses are estimated to be about Rs 45,000-50,000 crore (excluding UDAY grants and regulatory income).
• The highly subsidised nature of power tariffs towards agriculture and certain sections of residential consumers: The overall subsidy dependence is likely to be roughly Rs 1.30 lakh crore this year at the all-India level.

Context:

Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently launched the Indian Space Association (ISpA), an industry body consisting of various stakeholders of the Indian space domain.

About the Indian Space Association (ISpA)

• Significance
  • Governments and government agencies collaborated to explore newer planets and galaxies in search of life forms that exist outside Earth.
  • In the recent past, private sector companies such as Elon Musk’s SpaceX, Richard Branson’s Virgin Galactic, and Jeff Bezos’ Blue Origin have taken the lead in spaceflight, promising to start tourist flights to space.
  • Though India too has made significant strides in space exploration over time, state-run ISRO has been at the centre and front of this progress.
  • Several private sector companies, however, have shown an interest in India’s space domain, with space-based communication networks coming to the fore.