HPAS Mains 2024 (General Studies Paper II ): Questions and Model Answers

Answer to Question No. 1 to 10 should not exceed 150 words in each case. Contents of the answers are more important than their length. Each question carries 08 marks.

1.   Is word ‘socialistic’ in the preamble of the constitution relevant in present day of politics?

Answer:

The word “socialistic” in the Preamble of the Indian Constitution remains relevant in contemporary politics, but its interpretation and significance have evolved over time. Here are some key points to consider regarding its relevance today:

1. Socialism in Practice

• In practice, the Indian economy has undergone significant shifts since the early socialist-oriented policies of the 1950s to the 1980s. Since the economic liberalization of the 1990s, India has moved toward a more market-oriented economy. However, even today, the government still plays a strong role in regulating and guiding economic activities, particularly in terms of social welfare programs, public sector industries, and affirmative actions for marginalized groups.

2. Contemporary Economic Policies

• Despite the market-based reforms, policies such as Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY), Ayushman Bharat, and other welfare schemes aimed at reducing poverty, ensuring social justice, and uplifting the underprivileged reflect the ongoing relevance of the socialist principle in governance.

3. Political Discourse

• Politically, the term “socialism” still finds relevance in debates over economic inequality, poverty, and the role of the government in welfare programs. While the current political discourse in India is more inclined towards free-market policies and privatization, the idea of “socialistic” governance persists in the form of welfare schemes and economic reforms aimed at the lower sections of society.

4. Public Sector vs. Private Sector Debate

• The growing emphasis on privatization and disinvestment in public sector undertakings under recent governments has raised questions about how far the state should go in promoting private enterprise versus maintaining public ownership of key sectors. Some argue that this shift moves away from the “socialistic” principle of the Constitution, while others see it as necessary for economic growth.

5. Judicial Interpretation

• The Supreme Court of India has interpreted “socialism” to mean achieving social and economic justice through state intervention in areas like labor laws, minimum wages, and social security, while allowing for a regulated market economy. Thus, it’s seen as a guiding principle, not rigid dogma.

6. Rising Economic Inequality

• Despite economic growth, income inequality in India has been rising, and many political parties still invoke the idea of socialism to argue for policies that redistribute wealth more equitably. In this sense, the concept remains highly relevant to addressing the socio-economic challenges India faces today.

Conclusion

While the word “socialistic” may not directly define the current economic model of India, it remains relevant in modern-day politics as a guiding principle for ensuring social and economic justice. It continues to influence policy-making, particularly in the areas of welfare, poverty alleviation, and social justice, even as India navigates a more liberalized and globalized economy.

2.   Describe about the merits and de-merits of ‘one nation, one election’ system in India. 

Answer:

The concept of “One Nation, One Election” refers to holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament) and all State Legislative Assemblies across India. This idea has been debated over the years, with various arguments for and against it. Below are the merits and demerits of the system:

Merits of “One Nation, One Election”

1. Cost Efficiency
   • Holding simultaneous elections would significantly reduce the cost involved in conducting elections separately for the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. Currently, elections are held frequently in different states, leading to high costs related to polling, security, and administrative expenses.
   • The consolidation of these resources for a single event would save both public and government funds.
2. Focus on Governance
   • Frequent elections often divert the focus of the government from policymaking and implementation, as ruling parties tend to switch into “election mode.” Simultaneous elections could reduce this disruption, allowing the government to focus more on governance rather than constant campaigning.
   • Policymaking could become more consistent, with fewer populist measures aimed solely at securing electoral gains in the short term.
3. Reduce Election Fatigue
   • Currently, different states hold elections at different times, which creates a near-continuous cycle of elections somewhere in the country. Simultaneous elections would reduce voter fatigue by concentrating the electoral process to one period.
   • Voters and political parties can concentrate their efforts on a single election cycle rather than dealing with recurring election timelines.
4. Curb Electoral Malpractices
   • Multiple elections at different times create opportunities for manipulating results in one election (e.g., through booth capturing or voter suppression) to influence others. A unified election process might reduce such tactics.
   • Also, enforcing the model code of conduct would be simplified, as it would apply uniformly nationwide rather than at different times for different states.
5. Improved Voter Turnout
   • Voter turnout could increase with simultaneous elections, as more citizens might be motivated to vote in both national and state elections together, as opposed to coming out for separate events. This can lead to a more representative and robust democratic process.

Demerits of “One Nation, One Election”

1. Logistical Challenges
   • Conducting simultaneous elections for a country as large and diverse as India would require massive logistical preparations. Ensuring adequate polling staff, security personnel, and infrastructure to manage elections at both the national and state levels could be a significant challenge.
   • The Election Commission would need substantial resources and planning to ensure that the entire process runs smoothly.
2. Impact on Regional Parties and Issues
   • Simultaneous elections may overshadow regional issues, as national parties and national issues may dominate the discourse. Smaller regional parties, which often focus on local problems, might find it difficult to get their message across in a joint electoral scenario.
   • This could reduce the influence of regional parties and lead to the centralization of political discourse around national-level issues, at the expense of state and local concerns.
3. Difficulty in Managing Election Timelines
   • States have different election cycles due to variations in political developments. Holding simultaneous elections could require curtailing or extending the tenure of existing state assemblies or the Lok Sabha, which could raise constitutional concerns.
   • In the event that a government falls mid-term in a state or at the national level, would there be a need to call for separate elections, thus defeating the very purpose of “One Nation, One Election”?
4. Federalism Concerns
   • India is a federal democracy where states have significant autonomy. Simultaneous elections could potentially dilute the importance of state elections and undermine the federal structure by focusing more on central issues.
   • Some critics argue that it might reduce the flexibility of state governments in deciding their own election schedules, thus centralizing power.
5. Possible Impact on Voter Behavior
   • There is a concern that simultaneous elections may lead voters to cast their votes in a more uniform manner for both the Lok Sabha and state assembly elections, favoring the same party for both levels. This may not reflect voters’ distinct preferences for national versus state leadership, which could undermine the importance of state issues.
   • Voters may also find it challenging to differentiate between candidates and issues at the state and national levels when casting their vote.
6. Constitutional and Legal Hurdles
   • Implementing “One Nation, One Election” would require multiple constitutional amendments. Articles 83, 172, 85, and 174 of the Indian Constitution, which deal with the tenure and dissolution of the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies, would need to be amended to synchronize their timelines.
   • Legal and procedural obstacles, including the protection of democratic rights and the role of the Election Commission, would need to be addressed.

Conclusion

The idea of “One Nation, One Election” has clear advantages in terms of cost savings, governance stability, and voter engagement. However, it also raises significant challenges regarding logistics, the balance of regional and national issues, and the preservation of India’s federal structure. While the system could bring greater efficiency, it would require careful consideration of its potential impact on democracy, federalism, and electoral representation before implementation.

3.   The role of non-Governmental Organization is varied and manifold. Explain.

Non-Governmental Organization [NGOs] refers to not-for-profit organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or undertake community development. These organisations are not a part of the government, have a legal status and are registered under the specific Act (Societies Registration Act, 1860 in India) of the government.

Following are the varied roles that NGOs play-

• One of the primary roles of an NGO is to act as an advocate for social change. NGOs often work towards influencing policies and legislation that affect the communities they serve. By engaging in advocacy work, NGOs raise awareness on critical issues such as human rights, environmental protection, and social justice, striving to bring about systemic change that can improve the lives of people on a larger scale.

 Grassroots mobilization

• NGOs play a crucial role in mobilizing communities at the grassroots level. They empower individuals by providing them with the knowledge and tools necessary to advocate for their rights and interests. This bottom-up approach ensures that the voices of the marginalized and underrepresented are heard, fostering a society that values inclusivity and diversity.

Humanitarian assistance

• In times of crisis, such as natural disasters or conflicts, NGOs are often among the first to respond with humanitarian assistance. They provide essential services including food, shelter, medical care, and psychological support to those affected. NGOs’ flexibility and ability to act quickly often make them more efficient than larger, more bureaucratic institutions in delivering aid to those in need.

Community development and empowerment

• NGOs are instrumental in community development projects that aim to improve the quality of life for individuals and groups. These projects may include building schools, improving healthcare facilities, and providing vocational training to enhance employment opportunities. By focusing on empowerment, NGOs help communities to become self-reliant and sustainable in the long term.

Education and capacity building

• Education is a cornerstone of NGO activities. Many organizations focus on providing educational opportunities to children and adults alike, helping to reduce illiteracy rates and equipping individuals with the skills needed to participate fully in society. Through capacity-building workshops, NGOs also strengthen the abilities of other civil society organizations, enhancing their impact and efficiency.

4.   Explain the main recommendations of the Second Administration Reform Commission on ‘Ethics in Governance’ in India.

Answer:

• Ethics in governance is the set of moral principles and standards that guide the actions and decisions of leaders and organizations. It’s a vital part of modern governance, and it helps ensure that decisions are legal, just, and right.
• Second Administration Reform Commission has made the following recommendations on ‘Ethics in Governance’-
• An Office of ‘Ethics Commissioner’ may be constituted by each House of Parliament.
  • This Office, functioning under the Speaker/Chairman, would assist the Committee on Ethics in the discharge of its functions, and advise Members, when required, and maintain necessary records.
• In respect of States, the Commission recommends the following:
• All State legislatures may adopt a Code of Ethics and a Code of Conduct for their Members.
• Ethics Committees may be constituted with well defined procedures for sanctions in case of transgressions, to ensure the ethical conduct of legislators.
• ‘Registers of Members’ Interests’ may be maintained with the declaration of interests by Members of the State legislatures.
• Annual Reports providing details including transgressions may be placed on the Table of the respective Houses.
• An Office of ‘Ethics Commissioner’ may be constituted by each House of the State legislatures. This Office would function under the Speaker/Chairman, on the same basis as suggested for Parliament.

5.   Describe the various efforts which have been made for the welfare of the Children in India.

Answer:

Several efforts have been made in India for the welfare of children, focusing on health, education, protection, and overall development. These initiatives are often led by the government, in collaboration with international organizations, NGOs, and civil society. Below are some key efforts:

1. National Child Policy (2013)

• This policy focuses on ensuring children’s rights to survival, health, education, development, and protection from abuse, neglect, and exploitation. It emphasizes inclusive growth and recognizes every child’s right to equal opportunities.

2. Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS)

• Launched in 1975, ICDS is one of the world’s largest programs for early childhood care and development. It provides health, nutrition, and pre-school education to children under 6 years and pregnant/lactating mothers. ICDS centers, called Anganwadis, are spread across rural and urban areas.

3. Mid-Day Meal Scheme

• This program provides free lunches to students in government and government-aided schools. It aims to increase school enrollment, reduce dropout rates, and address malnutrition among children. It also ensures that children from disadvantaged backgrounds have access to regular, nutritious meals.

4. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) and Right to Education (RTE)

• Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is an initiative aimed at the universalization of elementary education for children aged 6–14 years.
• The Right to Education (RTE) Act (2009) guarantees free and compulsory education for children between 6-14 years. It ensures that children have access to quality education without discrimination.

5. National Health Mission (NHM)

• Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY) and Rashtriya Bal Swasthya Karyakram (RBSK) under NHM aim to reduce child mortality and morbidity. RBSK provides early detection and intervention for children suffering from developmental delays, birth defects, and deficiencies.

6. National Nutrition Mission (Poshan Abhiyan)

• Launched in 2018, this mission addresses the issue of malnutrition by focusing on stunting, undernutrition, anemia, and low birth weight. It uses technology and community-based strategies to improve the nutritional status of children, pregnant women, and lactating mothers.

7. Kishori Shakti Yojana (KSY)

• This program targets adolescent girls aged 11-18 years, providing them with education, vocational skills, and awareness about health and nutrition. It also encourages girls to continue schooling and resist early marriage.

8. Childline 1098

• Childline is a national helpline that provides emergency assistance to children in distress. It helps rescue children from abuse, neglect, or trafficking and offers shelter, counseling, and rehabilitation.

9. Betī Bachāo, Betī Padhao (BBBP)

• Launched in 2015, this initiative aims to address declining child sex ratios, promote gender equality, and improve girls’ education. It encourages the protection and empowerment of the girl child through education and financial support.

10. Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015

• This Act provides a framework for the care and protection of children in conflict with the law and those in need of care. It includes provisions for adoption, foster care, rehabilitation, and social reintegration.

11. National Crèche Scheme

• This scheme supports working mothers by providing affordable daycare services for children aged 6 months to 6 years. It ensures that children from economically disadvantaged families receive proper care, nutrition, and early childhood education.

12. Operation Smile and Operation Muskan

• These are rescue operations led by the police and various child protection agencies to trace, rescue, and rehabilitate missing or trafficked children. They focus on reunifying children with their families and preventing trafficking.

13. Balika Samriddhi Yojana (BSY)

• This scheme aims to encourage families to retain girl children and improve their educational status by providing financial assistance for the education of girls in economically disadvantaged families.

14. Sukanya Samriddhi Yojana (SSY)

• This is a savings scheme designed for the parents of girl children to encourage their future education and financial security. It provides attractive interest rates and tax benefits, ensuring financial support for higher education and marriage.

15. PENCIL Portal

• Launched under the National Child Labour Project, this portal is designed to eliminate child labor by coordinating efforts between the government, NGOs, and citizens. It allows reporting and monitoring of cases of child labor across the country.

16. Anganwadi Services Scheme

• The scheme, part of ICDS, provides healthcare, pre-school education, and supplementary nutrition to children aged 0-6. Anganwadi workers and helpers deliver these services at the grassroots level in rural areas, making them accessible to marginalized communities.

These efforts collectively focus on ensuring that children in India receive the necessary support for their overall well-being, development, and protection.

6.   Discuss about India’s role in ‘BIMSTECT towards development of Cooperation in the region.

Answer:

India plays a pivotal role in the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), a regional organization that aims to foster economic and technical cooperation among countries in South Asia and Southeast Asia. Since its establishment in 1997, India’s leadership and engagement have been critical to advancing the organization’s objectives of promoting regional connectivity, economic development, and cooperation across a range of sectors.

Here are key aspects of India’s role in BIMSTEC and its contributions towards cooperation and development in the region:

1. Leadership and Strategic Vision

• Founding Member: India is one of the founding members of BIMSTEC and has been actively involved in shaping its agenda since its inception. India sees BIMSTEC as a platform for bridging South Asia and Southeast Asia, particularly given the stalled progress of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
• Strategic Importance: India views BIMSTEC as critical to its “Act East” policy, which seeks to enhance economic, cultural, and strategic ties with Southeast Asia. It also ties into India’s broader goals of regional connectivity, maritime security, and socio-economic development.

2. Promotion of Regional Connectivity

• Infrastructure and Connectivity Projects: India has been a strong advocate for improving physical connectivity within the BIMSTEC region. Projects like the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project (connecting India’s northeastern region with Myanmar and Southeast Asia), and the proposed BIMSTEC Motor Vehicle Agreement, are key initiatives that India promotes to enhance trade and connectivity.
• Energy Connectivity: India supports initiatives for energy cooperation, such as transnational grids and joint efforts in renewable energy, particularly solar power, under the International Solar Alliance (ISA), of which many BIMSTEC members are part.

3. Economic Cooperation and Trade

• Economic Development: India is committed to promoting trade and investment among BIMSTEC countries. The proposed BIMSTEC Free Trade Agreement (FTA), once implemented, is expected to boost intra-regional trade and economic integration. India’s large market and growing economy present opportunities for smaller member states to increase exports and enhance economic linkages.
• Technical Assistance: India offers capacity-building initiatives and technical assistance in areas such as IT, education, healthcare, and agriculture. The Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) program is one of the key vehicles through which India shares its expertise with BIMSTEC countries.

4. Disaster Management and Climate Change

• Disaster Response Cooperation: India has taken the lead in promoting cooperation in disaster management. The BIMSTEC Centre for Weather and Climate, headquartered in India, plays a significant role in enhancing regional preparedness and response to natural disasters such as cyclones, floods, and earthquakes.
• Climate Change Mitigation: India promotes joint efforts to address the challenges posed by climate change, which disproportionately affect the BIMSTEC region, particularly the low-lying coastal areas.

5. Security Cooperation

• Maritime Security: Given the strategic importance of the Bay of Bengal for international shipping and regional trade, India emphasizes the need for maritime cooperation within BIMSTEC. India has pushed for initiatives to combat piracy, illegal fishing, drug trafficking, and other maritime security threats.
• Counterterrorism: India has been a strong advocate for cooperation in counterterrorism efforts, recognizing the cross-border nature of security threats in the region. Joint exercises and intelligence-sharing are critical components of India’s engagement with BIMSTEC in this area.

6. Cultural and People-to-People Connectivity

• Cultural Diplomacy: India promotes cultural exchanges and tourism within the BIMSTEC framework to strengthen people-to-people ties. Initiatives like the BIMSTEC Network of Think Tanks and collaboration in areas such as education and tourism foster a greater sense of regional identity and understanding.
• Tourism Cooperation: India encourages collaboration in tourism development to promote the region’s rich cultural heritage and natural resources. This includes initiatives to boost eco-tourism, cultural tourism, and adventure tourism across member states.

7. Capacity-Building and Human Resource Development

• India supports capacity-building efforts in areas such as health, education, and vocational training, helping BIMSTEC countries develop skilled human resources. Training programs, scholarships, and joint research initiatives are part of India’s broader strategy to strengthen regional cooperation in these sectors.

Challenges and the Way Forward

While India’s role in BIMSTEC has been substantial, challenges remain, such as limited institutional capacity, delays in implementing projects, and occasional political differences among member states.

1. Institutional Weaknesses and Slow Decision-Making

• Lack of a Strong Secretariat: One of the major institutional challenges is the limited capacity of the BIMSTEC Secretariat, based in Dhaka. The Secretariat is understaffed and underfunded, which hampers its ability to coordinate effectively among member states, implement decisions, and follow up on various initiatives.
• Bureaucratic Delays: Decision-making within BIMSTEC is often slow, with delays in project approvals and implementation. Consensus-building among diverse member states with different levels of development and priorities further complicates this process.
• Lack of Binding Agreements: Many of the decisions within BIMSTEC are non-binding, which weakens the enforcement of agreed-upon policies and initiatives. Unlike more formal regional organizations like ASEAN or the European Union, BIMSTEC’s informal structure limits the effectiveness of regional cooperation.

2. Diverse Economic and Political Interests Among Members

• Differing Development Levels: The member countries of BIMSTEC have varying levels of economic development, political systems, and strategic priorities. For instance, Thailand and India are relatively more developed than Nepal, Bhutan, and Myanmar. This disparity makes it difficult to align priorities and implement large-scale projects that benefit all members equally.
• Political Differences: Political instability in some member states, such as Myanmar, or policy differences, as seen between India and Nepal or India and Sri Lanka at various times, can slow down cooperation. For example, tensions between India and Nepal over border issues or trade policies occasionally overshadow regional cooperation efforts.

3. Limited Infrastructure and Connectivity

• Slow Progress on Connectivity Projects: One of India’s main objectives in BIMSTEC is to enhance regional connectivity through infrastructure projects. However, the pace of progress on these projects, such as the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project and the BIMSTEC Motor Vehicle Agreement, has been slow due to various challenges, including financing issues, bureaucratic delays, and regulatory hurdles.
• Lack of Physical Connectivity: While India has made efforts to improve road, rail, and maritime links, issues such as border restrictions, logistical bottlenecks, and political sensitivities in transit countries (e.g., Myanmar) hinder progress.

4. China’s Influence in the Region

• Strategic Competition with China: Although China is not a member of BIMSTEC, its growing influence in South Asia and Southeast Asia poses a challenge to India’s leadership within the organization. China’s deepening ties with BIMSTEC members like Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has raised concerns in India about maintaining its strategic and economic influence in the region.
• Countering Chinese Infrastructure Investments: China’s massive investments in infrastructure projects, particularly in countries like Myanmar and Sri Lanka, sometimes overshadow India’s own efforts within BIMSTEC. India’s inability to match China’s financial resources or speed of project implementation creates a challenge in terms of maintaining leadership and credibility in the region.

5. Slow Progress on Economic Integration

• Delayed Free Trade Agreement (FTA): The long-pending BIMSTEC Free Trade Agreement (FTA) has not been finalized, despite years of negotiations. This delay hampers the potential for greater trade and economic integration among member states. Differences over tariff reductions, market access, and non-tariff barriers have stalled the negotiations.
• Intra-Regional Trade: Trade within BIMSTEC remains relatively low, with member states trading more with countries outside the region than with each other. The lack of a comprehensive economic integration framework limits the potential for BIMSTEC countries to benefit from each other’s markets, making it difficult for India to push forward economic cooperation effectively.

6. Political Instability in Member States

• Several BIMSTEC countries face internal challenges that affect regional cooperation. For example, political instability in Myanmar following the military coup, ethnic conflicts in Sri Lanka, or insurgency-related issues in Nepal and northeastern India divert attention away from regional cooperation.

7. Limited Funding and Investment

• Inadequate Financial Resources: BIMSTEC, unlike other regional organizations like ASEAN or the EU, lacks a dedicated fund for implementing projects. India, being one of the largest economies in BIMSTEC, has provided technical and financial assistance, but the absence of a pooled regional fund or significant international investments hinders large-scale initiatives.

However, with growing attention to the Indo-Pacific region, India continues to view BIMSTEC as a vital platform for fostering cooperation, ensuring regional security, and promoting sustainable development. Strengthening BIMSTEC’s institutional framework and fast-tracking key connectivity projects remain priorities for India.

In conclusion, India’s engagement in BIMSTEC is not only central to its foreign policy but also critical to the broader goal of ensuring peace, prosperity, and development in the Bay of Bengal region.

7.   What is ‘QUAD”? Examine India’s role in the establishment of peace in Indo-Pacific region through this organisation.

Answer:

Known as the ‘Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’ (QSD), the Quad is an informal strategic forum comprising four nations, namely — United States of America (USA), India, Australia and Japan. One of the primary objectives of the Quad is to work for a free, open, prosperous and inclusive Indo-Pacific region.

The group met for the first time in 2007 on the sidelines of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It is considered an alliance of maritime democracies, and the forum is maintained by meetings, semi-regular summits, information exchanges and military drills of all the member countries.

India’s role in the development of peace in Indo-Pacific region through QUAD

1. ASEAN centrality– India offers consistent and unwavering support for ASEAN centrality and unity. We continue to support implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and are committed to ensuring the Quad’s work is aligned with ASEAN’s principles and priorities. India also underscores ASEAN’s regional leadership role, including in the East Asia Summit, the region’s premier leader-led forum for strategic dialogue, and the ASEAN Regional Forum.
2. Pacific countries– India recommits to working in partnership with Pacific island countries to achieve shared aspirations and address shared challenges including climate action, ocean health, resilient infrastructure, maritime security and financial integrity.
3. Indian Ocean region– India remain committed to strengthening cooperation in the Indian Ocean region. India offers a leadership role in finalizing the IORA Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (IOIP).
4. Emerging Indo-Pacific dimensions-India remains steadfast in its conviction on international law, including respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the maintenance of peace, safety, security and stability in the maritime domain, underpinning the sustainable development, and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific. It emphasizes the importance of adherence to international law, particularly as reflected in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), to address challenges to the global maritime rules-based order, including with respect to maritime claims.
5. South China Sea– India also continues to express its serious concern about the militarization of disputed features, and coercive and intimidating manoeuvres in the South China Sea. It condemns the dangerous use of coast guard and maritime militia vessels, including increasing use of dangerous manoeuvres. Further, it also oppose efforts to disrupt other countries’ offshore resource exploitation activities. It reaffirm that maritime disputes must be resolved peacefully and in accordance with international law, as reflected in UNCLOS. And re-emphasize the importance of maintaining and upholding freedom of navigation and overflight, other lawful uses of the sea, and unimpeded commerce consistent with international law.

Over the past four years, Quad Leaders have met together six times, including twice virtually, and Quad Foreign Ministers have met eight times in the last five years to consult one another, exchange ideas to advance shared priorities, and deliver benefits with and for partners across the Indo-Pacific region.

8.   Discuss about the ‘Soft Power’ attributes of Indian-foreign policy.

Answer:

The term Soft Power was first used by the eminent IR scholar Joseph Nye in his book “Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power.” In the book, he identified three dimensions of power; coercion by military force, influence by offering economic incentives and finally the ability to co-opt other states by the nation’s appeal based on its culture and values.

India’s soft power attributes in foreign policy include: 

• Culture

India’s rich culture, architecture, and cuisine can be used to build goodwill and a benevolent image globally.

• Values

India’s values and principles can be projected to international audiences.

• Communication

India can use soft power to establish communication and agreements between states through peaceful methods.

• Trade and investment

India can build an image of a reliable partner to increase trade and investment flows.

• Strategic investment

India can become a leading strategic investor in public-private partnership infrastructure projects.

• Messaging

India can use official channels like speeches and press conferences, or media outlets to send its message.

The five pillars of India’s soft power are: Samman (dignity), Samvaad (dialogue), Samriddhi (shared prosperity), Suruksha (regional and global security), and Sanskriti evam Sabhayata (cultural and civilizational links).

India can use soft power to achieve its foreign policy goals without resorting to coercion.

9.   Describe why in Himachal Pradesh politics two pre-dominant castes played important role, where as role of OBCS and SC/STs remain very marginal?

Answer:

The Rajputs and Brahmins have always had political sway in Himachal Pradesh, while the OBCs and SC/STs, despite having a sizable population, continue to be politically disenfranchised.

Reasons behind the domination of two predominant castes:

• The 2011 census found that there are 68,56,509 people living in Himachal Pradesh. Of these, 32.72% are Rajputs and 18% are Brahmins, making up a total of 50.72% of the population. OBCs make up 13.52%, Scheduled Tribes (STs) 5.71%, and Scheduled Castes (SCs) 25.22%.
• Also due to their historical status as the land-owning and socially prominent groups, Rajputs and Brahmins had a considerable advantage when it came to assuming governmental power. Currently, the Rajput caste comprises half of the state government’s ministers, demonstrating their ongoing dominance.
• Political parties in Himachal Pradesh, such as the Congress and BJP, have traditionally relied on the support of the dominant castes to secure electoral victories. This is due to the concentrated vote banks of Rajputs and Brahmins, particularly in rural areas, where caste identity plays a significant role in voting behavior.

Limited OBC and SC/ST Political Mobilization:

• Despite making up a sizable section of the population, SCs, STs, and OBCs have historically had little political representation. Thirteen (17) and twenty (20) of the 68 members of the legislative assembly are set aside for SCs and STs. In spite of this, OBCs have not been able to effectively convert their numbers into political influence. They are concentrated in areas like Kangra, where they control 18 assembly segments. OBCs are underrepresented in Kangra, as seen by the fact that only four of the 15 parliamentarians are OBCs.
• In contrast to other states where the SC and OBC populations have established robust political forces, Himachal Pradesh has not witnessed the emergence of a cohesive leadership or movement that embodies these people. Their influence on state politics is further diminished by their internal conflicts and fragmented political representation.

The way forward lies in empowering marginalized communities through awareness, leadership development, party reforms, and capacity building. By addressing socio-economic barriers and ensuring greater representation, Himachal Pradesh can move toward a more balanced political landscape where all communities have a voice in decision-making processes.

10.       Explain the various steps taken up by the Himachal Pradesh Government for effective public service delivery.

Answer:

The Himachal Pradesh government has undertaken several administrative reforms and initiatives aimed at improving public service delivery, making governance more efficient, transparent, and citizen-centric. These measures are designed to streamline bureaucratic processes, embrace technology, and enhance accountability while ensuring that services reach every corner of the state.

Initiatives

1. Digital Governance

Initiatives:

• HIMSWAN (Himachal State Wide Area Network): Provides secure digital connectivity to government offices, ensuring smooth communication and coordination.
• Lokmitra Kendra: Aimed at providing digital services to rural areas, ensuring even remote populations have access to government services.
• e-Office System: A paperless office solution to streamline workflows and improve departmental efficiency.

Performance:

• Over 5,000 Lokmitra Kendras have been established, significantly enhancing accessibility to services, especially in rural areas.
• Improved inter-departmental communication has resulted in more effective service delivery and reduced bureaucratic delays.
• The e-Office system has reduced paperwork and processing times, contributing to more efficient governance.

2. Public Service Delivery

Initiatives:

• Himachal Pradesh Public Service Guarantee Act: Ensures timely delivery of public services across departments, increasing transparency and accountability.
• Single Window Clearance System: Facilitates business approvals by simplifying the process, fostering a more business-friendly environment.

Performance:

• The state has achieved over 90% compliance with service delivery timelines, ensuring services are provided efficiently.
• The Single Window System has reduced approval times for businesses, encouraging investment and economic growth.

3. Land reform:

• HimBhoomi: Digitizing land records to guarantee transparent property transactions and easy access. It has lessened ownership disputes and improved transparency in the registration procedure.

4. Health:

• Himcare: To offer underprivileged populations and economically disadvantaged communities cashless medical care. It allow the beneficiaries to obtain healthcare services without the need for upfront payments, healthcare accessibility is increased.

Conclusion

The Himachal Pradesh government has made significant strides in public service delivery by introducing digital governance, improving public accountability, and enhancing financial and social welfare measures. By embracing technological advancements, implementing reforms in agriculture and employment, and ensuring effective urban development, the state has made services more accessible, responsive, and citizen-centric, leading to more efficient and transparent governance.

Answer to Question No. 11 to 20 should not exceed 225 words in each case. Contents of the answers are more important than their length. Each question carries 12 marks.

11.       Discuss how the agenda of caste census is going to influence the working of contemporary Indian politics?

Answer:

The caste census has emerged as a significant political agenda in contemporary Indian politics, with the potential to reshape political discourse, electoral strategies, policy-making, and socio-economic development. The demand for a caste census, which would enumerate caste groups and provide updated data on their populations, could have wide-ranging implications for governance and electoral politics.

1. Impact on Reservation Policies

• Data-Driven Reservation: One of the key impacts of a caste census would be on the reservation system in India. Currently, reservation for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) is based on data that is decades old, with no updated figures on caste populations. A caste census would provide accurate data on the population of various caste groups, which could lead to a reconfiguration of reservation policies.
• Possible Expansion of Quotas: Political parties may demand an increase in reservation quotas, particularly for OBCs, if the data shows their population is underrepresented in public employment and education. This could also lead to calls for reservation in the private sector, which has been a growing demand among some sections.

2. Electoral Calculations and Caste-Based Mobilization

• Redefining Political Alliances: Caste has always been an important factor in Indian electoral politics. With the availability of updated caste data, political parties are likely to recalibrate their electoral strategies to target specific caste groups more effectively. Parties that traditionally rely on caste-based vote banks (such as the BJP, Congress, and regional parties like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal) may shift alliances or adjust policies to gain favor with different groups.
• Rise of Regional and Caste-Based Parties: The caste census could provide a significant boost to regional parties that represent specific caste communities. For instance, parties representing dominant OBC groups, Dalits, or other marginalized communities might intensify their demands for greater political representation based on the new data, which could further fragment the political landscape.

3. Influence on Social Justice Discourse

• Focus on Equity and Redistribution: The caste census could reinvigorate the debate around social justice in India. If the census reveals significant socio-economic inequalities between caste groups, it could spur demands for more aggressive redistributive policies, affirmative action, and welfare programs. This could lead to heightened focus on caste-based discrimination and marginalization in public discourse.
• Balancing Economic Growth and Social Justice: Political parties might face challenges balancing the agenda of economic growth with the push for social justice. While some may argue that caste-based reservations are necessary for social upliftment, others may claim that such policies could hamper economic efficiency or create social divides.

4. Challenges to the Dominant Political Narrative

• Changing the BJP’s “Hindutva” Narrative: The caste census may challenge the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) emphasis on the unity of Hindus under the larger “Hindutva” banner. Caste data could reignite demands for sub-caste mobilization and threaten the party’s strategy of consolidating the Hindu vote. To retain its base, the BJP might have to accommodate the demands of OBC and Dalit groups, which could dilute its overarching Hindutva agenda.
• Challenges for Congress: For the Congress, the caste census could revitalize its long-standing strategy of social justice and affirmative action. However, the party would need to navigate the complexities of balancing upper-caste support with the demands of OBC and Dalit groups.

5. Shifting Focus from Religion to Caste

• Caste Over Religious Identity: While Indian politics often revolves around religion (Hindu-Muslim dynamics), the caste census could refocus the political discourse on caste-based issues. This could shift attention from communal politics to socio-economic inequities within the Hindu community and between different caste groups.
• Caste-Based Politics at the Forefront: The focus on caste data might lead to a resurgence of caste-based politics, where parties emphasize the rights and representation of specific caste groups rather than appealing to a broader national or religious identity. This could fragment the electorate further.

6. Policy-Making and Development Programs

• Caste-Specific Welfare Policies: A caste census could lead to more targeted welfare schemes aimed at specific caste groups based on their socio-economic conditions. For example, if the data shows that certain OBC or Dalit groups are disproportionately poor or underrepresented in education or jobs, there may be an increased demand for affirmative action and special welfare schemes for those communities.
• Resource Allocation and Budgeting: Updated caste data might lead to a realignment of resource allocation in government budgets. States and the central government might be pressured to earmark more funds for specific caste groups based on their population size and socio-economic status. This could also influence the implementation of schemes related to education, employment, and social security.

7. Potential for Social Unrest

• Caste Tensions: The release of caste census data could exacerbate caste tensions, particularly if certain groups perceive themselves as being underrepresented or disadvantaged. Caste-based movements demanding greater political representation, jobs, and educational benefits could become more intense.
• Backlash from Upper Castes: There could also be a backlash from upper-caste groups who may feel threatened by a potential expansion of reservations for OBCs and Dalits. This could lead to social tensions, especially if the demand for increased quotas begins to clash with upper-caste interests.

8. Legal and Constitutional Challenges

• Debates on Reservation Cap: If the caste census reveals that OBCs or other marginalized groups have a larger share of the population than previously assumed, there might be demands to exceed the 50% cap on reservations imposed by the Supreme Court. This could lead to legal and constitutional battles, with some states potentially challenging the cap.
• Policy Reforms and Legal Amendments: The data from a caste census might trigger calls for reforms to the current reservation framework, including possible amendments to constitutional provisions related to reservation and affirmative action.

Conclusion

The caste census has the potential to significantly reshape Indian politics by bringing caste-based issues to the forefront of political discourse. While it may lead to greater social justice and more targeted policies, it could also intensify caste-based mobilization, political fragmentation, and social tensions. The impact of the caste census on contemporary Indian politics will depend on how political parties, civil society, and the public react to the data and how it is used to address issues of representation, equity, and development.

12.       Due to current emphasis on social concerns by the political system, directive principles of state policy are gaining precedence over fundamental rights, comment.

Answer:

The Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP), outlined in Part IV of the Indian Constitution, provide a framework for the governance of the country, guiding the state in making laws and policies aimed at promoting social welfare, justice, and economic equality. Fundamental Rights, on the other hand, enumerated in Part III, protect individual liberties and rights against state action.

The increasing emphasis on social concerns in the political system has led to a growing debate over the relationship between these two constitutional elements—whether the Directive Principles are gaining precedence over Fundamental Rights in certain contexts. Here’s an analysis of this development:

1. Balancing Social Welfare with Individual Rights

• The Directive Principleswere included in the Constitution to address the socio-economic challenges that India faced at independence. While these principles are not legally enforceable by courts, they act as guidelines for the state to ensure a just society. Over time, as India’s socio-economic landscape has evolved, there has been a greater focus on addressing inequality, poverty, and social justice, which the DPSPs emphasize.
• In contemporary times, the government has implemented a number of social welfare policies aimed at reducing disparities and promoting inclusive growth, often invoking the DPSPs. Examples include MGNREGA (employment guarantee), food security acts, free education (Article 45), health schemes (Ayushman Bharat), and measures for workers’ welfare (Article 43). These policies align closely with the goals of the DPSPs, indicating that the principles are increasingly influencing state policy.
• However, this shift sometimes raises concerns about whether this focus on welfare might undermine individual libertiesand economic freedoms protected under Fundamental Rights. For instance, policies aimed at land reform(Article 39) or affirmative action for backward classes could be perceived as infringing on property rights or equality under the law (Article 14).

2. Judicial Interpretation and the Shift in Priorities

• The Supreme Court of Indiahas played a crucial role in balancing the relationship between Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles. In early cases such as Champakam Dorairajan (1951), the court maintained that Fundamental Rights had primacy over the DPSPs. However, in subsequent cases such as Kesavananda Bharati (1973) and Minerva Mills (1980), the court acknowledged the need to harmonize the two, stating that a balance between the two is essential for ensuring a just social order.
• In recent times, courts have upheld laws that implement DPSPs even if they seem to conflict with Fundamental Rights, emphasizing that social and economic justiceis critical to the nation’s development. For instance, affirmative action policies that promote the upliftment of marginalized communities have been justified by invoking the DPSPs, particularly Article 46 (promotion of educational and economic interests of SCs, STs, and other weaker sections).

3. Social Concerns and Economic Redistribution

• The increasing focus on economic inequality, poverty alleviation, and social justice has brought the DPSPs to the forefront of policy debates. With concerns like income disparity, rural distress, access to education and healthcare, and social justice for marginalized groups becoming central to governance, the principles guiding social and economic equity are gaining prominence in policy formulation.
• For example, the right to education (RTE)and food security are seen as steps towards fulfilling the Directive Principles’ goal of providing for basic human needs and dignity (Article 39). These socio-economic rights, though indirectly drawn from DPSPs, are being institutionalized as rights in themselves, thus giving precedence to social concerns over individual liberties in certain cases.

4. Fundamental Rights in Conflict with Social Welfare Programs

• Sometimes, the push for social welfare policies inspired by the DPSPs leads to conflict with Fundamental Rights. For instance, land acquisition laws, which aim to promote equitable distribution of resources as per Article 39(b) of the DPSPs, can conflict with the right to property(a former Fundamental Right), even though the right to property was moved to a legal right under Article 300A.
• Similarly, economic redistribution measures, such as progressive taxation or subsidies, align with the Directive Principles but may be seen by some as infringing on the right to practice one’s profession or trade freely (Article 19). This brings into focus the tension between individual economic freedoms and the state’s duty to ensure equitable distribution of wealth.

5. Legislative Actions Favoring DPSPs

• Welfare schemes and affirmative actions are being increasingly shaped by the DPSPs. Laws such as the Right to Education Act (2009) and the National Food Security Act (2013) reflect the state’s commitment to fulfilling the DPSPs, particularly Articles 39, 41, and 45. This legislative shift towards prioritizing welfare and social justice suggests that DPSPs are becoming more prominent in policy discussions, sometimes taking precedence over individual-centric Fundamental Rights.
• These legislative actions also align with global trends of recognizing economic and social rights as essential to human dignity and sustainable development, reflecting the evolving role of the state in addressing social concerns.

6. Recent Political Narratives and the DPSP-Fundamental Rights Relationship

• In contemporary political discourse, there is an increasing emphasis on economic redistribution, social justice, and inclusive growth, aligning with the Directive Principles. Political parties often campaign on platforms that prioritize social welfare programs—education, healthcare, employment—guided by the DPSPs. This suggests that the state is using the DPSPs as a moral compass to address deep-rooted social issues like poverty, inequality, and access to essential services.
• At the same time, concerns about civil liberties—such as freedom of speech (Article 19) or protection against arbitrary state action—occasionally come into conflict with policies aimed at maintaining social order or addressing social concerns, such as restrictions on protests or dissent that may disrupt public welfare.

Conclusion

While the Directive Principles were initially seen as aspirational, they have gained increasing prominence in contemporary Indian politics, especially in the context of addressing social concerns like poverty, inequality, and social justice. The political system, faced with growing socio-economic challenges, has increasingly focused on these principles, sometimes leading to tensions with Fundamental Rights that emphasize individual freedoms. However, the Indian judiciary and political system continue to strive for a balance between these two pillars of the Constitution.

The growing focus on inclusive development and social justice reflects the evolving nature of governance in India, where DPSPs are gaining precedence in policy-making, even as Fundamental Rights remain central to protecting individual freedoms. This interplay shapes the contours of contemporary Indian politics and governance.

13.       Discuss the salient features of the Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization Policy of 1991. What are the positive outcomes of this policy.

Answer:

The U.S.-India strategic partnership is founded on shared values including a commitment to democracy and upholding the rules-based international system. In recent years, the defence partnership between India and the US has been bolstered by landmark events. The decision to enter the four foundational agreements with the US potentially marks a strategic shift in India’s operational capacities in the Indo-Pacific region.

The four foundational agreements are: General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA); Logistic Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA); Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA); and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geospatial Intelligence (BECA).

Trends in defence cooperation warranted in the India-US treaty have potential in shaping the regional security of the Indo-Pacific region.

Countering Chinese Influence:

• The pact reaffirms India’s position as a part of balancing power in Southeast Asia of China’s increasing dominance in the region. Through enhancing defence cooperation both the countries expect to restrain China from pressurizing India and other South Asian states.
• This is even more so when China continues to assert its military muscles and grow its military capability and influence projection in the region and the world over; the mutual relationship between India and the US serves as a bulwark.

Operational Cooperation:

• The founding treaties of strategic partnership between India and the USA provide a legal cooperation in operations. It allows joint exercises, sharing of intelligence, sharing of equipment as well as allows compatibility.
• Cooperation can be achieved by sharing information and operation capability during crisis including disaster or security threats which is helpful to regional security situation.

Mitigating Risks:

• The pact to ensure that both the participants minimize on risks attached to the possible conflict. India and the US have neighbours who possess nuclear weapons hence it is easier for tensions to rise such as with Pakistan and China.
• In the respects of threat perception, military co-operation including defence planning, sharing of intelligence information and collaboration in managing a crisis contributes in avoiding an accidental war and encourages balance of power.

Holistic Approach:

• The US and India need to use a diversified view that is not limited to security issues of different levels. Thus, the areas that need to be addressed include the health of the global population, climate change, and technology cooperation.

Technology and Intelligence Sharing:

• The pact promotes high technology partnership and co-development activities. This can result in progress of technology of aspects of defence that is mutually beneficial to both nations.

Cyber, Space, and Nuclear Domains:

• Investing into further consultations in these domains is important. Issues such as cyber security, space security, and nuclear regime are fundamental issues.
• Thus, India and the US can supplement one another capacities and improve their reaction capabilities in these spheres.

Impact on India’s relations with its neighbours

• Enhancing defence relationship with US is a clear implication to China that India is being and will be helped by US in case of any military standoff between both nations in near future.
• Smaller Himalayan nations like Nepal and Bhutan have always enjoyed good relations with India but they may closely monitor any changes toward an unfavourable dynamic of the bilateral relations of India and China because it may have an adverse impact on their security situation.
• The defence agreement between India and the US is in consonance with ASEAN’s vision of a free and open architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and will further help India in pursuing its Act East policy.

However, such agreements could irk Russia, a long-time Indian ally as growing closeness between India and US could possibly bring Russia and China more close to each other, both being evident anti-West nations. Same holds true for Iran as well which is being put other the US led economic sanctions.

For this partnership to progress, both states need to side-step their strategic divergences and address their respective regulatory issues. Additionally, multistakeholder engagement and bridging interoperability would be imperative to maximize the potential of a partnership that is “amongst the most consequential in the world.”

14.       In India, the institution of panchayats has a hoary history, though its truly democratic form is of recent origin.” Elaborate the statement.

Answer:

The statement, “In India, the institution of panchayats has a hoary history, though its truly democratic form is of recent origin,” highlights the long-standing tradition of village-level governance in India while acknowledging that the current democratic structure of Panchayati Raj, as we understand it today, has evolved only in modern times. Here’s an elaboration of this statement:

1. Historical Background of Panchayats in India

• Ancient Tradition of Village Governance: The institution of panchayats(village councils) dates back to ancient India and has been an integral part of the country’s rural governance structure. Ancient texts like the Rig Veda, Manusmriti, and Mahabharata mention assemblies of elders or village councils that dealt with local matters, such as dispute resolution, maintenance of order, and local resource management.
• Role in the Medieval Period: During the medieval period, the institution of panchayats continued to function in villages as a self-governing body, though the level of autonomy and influence varied. Local chieftains or landlords often played significant roles in controlling these institutions.
• Colonial Era: Under British rule, the role of panchayats declined significantly. The colonial administration centralized governance, and the traditional village assemblies were marginalized. However, towards the end of the British period, some efforts were made to revive local governance institutions, but these were largely limited and lacked any real democratic structure.

2. The Revival of Panchayati Raj in Post-Independence India

• Panchayats in the Constitutional Vision: After independence, the framers of the Indian Constitution acknowledged the importance of village-level governance. Article 40, under the Directive Principles of State Policy, calls for the organization of village panchayats and their endowment with the authority to function as units of self-government. However, in the initial years after independence, the implementation of this vision was slow and inconsistent.
• Early Attempts at Democratic Panchayats: Following independence, several states in India experimented with the establishment of panchayats, but these efforts were often weak, lacking financial and administrative autonomy. Most of these early panchayats were not truly democratic as they were often dominated by powerful local elites, landlords, or influential families, leading to inadequate representation of marginalized groups.

3. The Democratic Transformation of Panchayats

• Balwant Rai Mehta Committee (1957): The real turning point in the modern democratic transformation of panchayats came with the recommendations of the Balwant Rai Mehta Committeein 1957. The committee emphasized the need for democratic decentralization and suggested the establishment of a three-tier Panchayati Raj system (village, block, and district levels), which would have elected representatives. This led to the first efforts to institutionalize democratic panchayats in several states.
• Challenges to Implementation: Despite these early efforts, the Panchayati Raj system remained uneven and often failed to achieve true democratic functioning. Panchayats were often overshadowed by bureaucratic control, lacked financial independence, and had limited participation from marginalized communities.

4. Constitutional Status and Democratic Empowerment: 73rd Amendment (1992)

• The 73rd Constitutional Amendment (1992): The institution of Panchayati Rajgained a truly democratic character with the passage of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act in 1992. This amendment provided constitutional status to panchayats and established a uniform three-tier system of local self-governance across India, with provisions for regular elections every five years.
• Key Features of Democratic Panchayats:
  • Elected Representatives: The panchayats at the village, intermediate, and district levels are now composed of directly elected representatives, making them truly democratic bodies accountable to the people.
  • Reservation of Seats: The 73rd Amendment introduced reservationsfor Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and women, ensuring greater representation for marginalized communities. One-third of the seats in panchayats are reserved for women, making it a significant step toward gender inclusivity in local governance.
  • Devolution of Powers: The amendment empowered panchayats with authority and responsibility in planning and implementing development programs related to economic development and social justice (e.g., agriculture, education, health, sanitation, water supply).
  • Financial Autonomy: Panchayats now have the authority to raise their own revenue and receive funds from the central and state governments through grants and schemes.

5. Panchayats as Democratic Institutions Today

• Participatory Governance: The institution of panchayats today allows for greater participationof people at the grassroots level in governance. This has led to increased representation of traditionally marginalized groups (like Dalits, women, and tribal communities) in decision-making processes at the local level.
• Rural Development: Panchayats have become crucial players in the implementation of various rural development schemes like Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY), and Swachh Bharat Mission. These programs are aimed at improving rural infrastructure, employment, sanitation, and housing.
• Challenges in Functioning: While panchayats are now democratic institutions, they still face numerous challenges, such as inadequate financial resources, bureaucratic interference, and local power imbalances. In many places, elite capture and corruption hinder their functioning. Additionally, many panchayats do not yet have complete control over the subjects devolved to them under the 11th Schedule of the Constitution.

Conclusion

The institution of panchayats in India has a long, historical legacy, serving as a form of village governance for centuries. However, the modern, truly democratic form of panchayats, with elected representatives and constitutional backing, is a relatively recent development that came about through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992. This transformation has empowered local self-governance, making panchayats a key pillar of India’s democracy and development at the grassroots level.

In its current form, the Panchayati Raj system is more inclusive, representative, and democratic, with a stronger emphasis on people’s participation and social justice, thereby continuing India’s tradition of village governance but in a significantly more structured and democratic way.

15.       What do you mean by Governance? How it differs from Government? What role does Civil Society play in the governance of India.

Answer:

The concept of Governance refers to the processes and structures that are intended to bring about accountability, responsiveness, transparency, stability, rule of law, equity and inclusiveness, empowerment and broad-based participation. Apart from this, Governance also represents the values, norms and rule of the system through which public affairs are managed in a transparent, responsive, inclusive and participative way.

Civil society plays a vital role in the governance of India by: 

• Researching and analyzing

Civil society organizations (CSOs) conduct research to help the government understand and address issues. They also analyze policies and advocate for change.

• Monitoring

CSOs monitor the performance of the government and public officials. They also monitor elections to ensure they are fair and transparent.

• Empowering citizens

CSOs educate citizens on their rights, including the right to a clean environment, human rights, and anti-corruption laws. They also provide platforms for citizens to discuss issues and share their views.

• Developing innovative models

CSOs can pilot test new models of change, share best practices, and replicate successful models.

• Building a sense of community

CSOs can help build a sense of community based on mutual respect and trust.

• Strengthening the state

CSOs can make the state more accountable, responsive, and inclusive, which can strengthen the relationship between the state and its citizens.

16.       Discuss about the impact of four defence pacts signed between India and the USA on India’s foreign policy.

Answer:

The U.S.-India strategic partnership is founded on shared values including a commitment to democracy and upholding the rules-based international system. In recent years, the defence partnership between India and the US has been bolstered by landmark events. The decision to enter the four foundational agreements with the US potentially marks a strategic shift in India’s operational capacities in the Indo-Pacific region.

The four foundational agreements are: General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA); Logistic Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA); Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA); and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geospatial Intelligence (BECA).

Trends in defence cooperation warranted in the India-US treaty have potential in shaping the regional security of the Indo-Pacific region.

Impact of Indo-US Defence pacts on India’s Foreign Policy-

Countering Chinese Influence:

• The pact reaffirms India’s position as a part of balancing power in Southeast Asia of China’s increasing dominance in the region. Through enhancing defence cooperation both the countries expect to restrain China from pressurizing India and other South Asian states.
• This is even more so when China continues to assert its military muscles and grow its military capability and influence projection in the region and the world over; the mutual relationship between India and the US serves as a bulwark.

Operational Cooperation- India’s focus on being a global power:

• The founding treaties of strategic partnership between India and the USA provide a legal cooperation in operations. It allows joint exercises, sharing of intelligence, sharing of equipment as well as allows compatibility.
• Cooperation can be achieved by sharing information and operation capability during crisis including disaster or security threats which is helpful to regional security situation.

Mitigating Risks:

• The pact to ensure that both the participants minimize on risks attached to the possible conflict. India and the US have neighbours who possess nuclear weapons hence it is easier for tensions to rise such as with Pakistan and China.
• In the respects of threat perception, military co-operation including defence planning, sharing of intelligence information and collaboration in managing a crisis contributes in avoiding an accidental war and encourages balance of power.

Technology and Intelligence Sharing:

• The pact promotes high technology partnership and co-development activities. This can result in progress of technology of aspects of defence that is mutually beneficial to both nations.

Cyber, Space, and Nuclear Domains:

• Investing into further consultations in these domains is important. Issues such as cyber security, space security, and nuclear regime are fundamental issues.
• Thus, India and the US can supplement one another capacities and improve their reaction capabilities in these spheres.

Impact on India’s relations with its neighbours

• Enhancing defence relationship with US is a clear implication to China that India is being and will be helped by US in case of any military standoff between both nations in near future.
• Smaller Himalayan nations like Nepal and Bhutan have always enjoyed good relations with India but they may closely monitor any changes toward an unfavourable dynamic of the bilateral relations of India and China because it may have an adverse impact on their security situation.
• The defence agreement between India and the US is in consonance with ASEAN’s vision of a free and open architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and will further help India in pursuing its Act East policy.

However, such agreements could irk Russia, a long-time Indian ally as growing closeness between India and US could possibly bring Russia and China more close to each other, both being evident anti-West nations. Same holds true for Iran as well which is being put other the US led economic sanctions.

For this partnership to progress, both states need to side-step their strategic divergences and address their respective regulatory issues. Additionally, multistakeholder engagement and bridging interoperability would be imperative to maximize the potential of a partnership that is “amongst the most consequential in the world.”

17.       Analyse the impact of instability in South Asian States on India’s neighborhood policy.

Answer:

India’s policy towards its immediate neighbourhood is based on efforts to build peace and cooperation in South Asia. Its neighbourhood first policy, accords primacy to nations in periphery with focus on encouraging trade, connectivity and people-to-people contact. South Asia’s recent political upheavals, including unrest in Bangladesh and instability in neighbouring countries, have significant implications for India’s strategic interests and regional stability.

Neighbourhood instability’s impact on India

Once International Labour Organization (ILO) said – “Poverty anywhere is a threat to prosperity everywhere

Instability leads to unemployment and subsequently, it becomes easy to radicalize youth for terrorism as we have seen in the case of Ajmal Kasab in the context of the Mumbai Attack in 2008. Additionally, it created a loop of further deterioration in bilateral relations between the two countries. And this has been the first point of contact for instability in the entire India’s neighbourhood.

• Myanmar: Its instability is particularly concerning due to its shared border and the potential for increased insurgency and refugee flows.
  • Already, more than 32,000 ethnic Chin have sought refuge in India’s Mizoram state, and thousands more have fled to the state of Manipur, where their arrival has stoked violent ethnic conflict.
• Afghanistan:  India’s concerns range from the safety of its investments in Afghanistan to the security implications of a Taliban-ruled state.
  • The situation poses a direct threat to India’s national security, as extremist groups could gain a foothold in the region, potentially leading to cross-border terrorism.
• Sri Lanka: For India, the situation in Sri Lanka is significant due to the close geographical and cultural ties between the two nations.
  • India confronts potential refugee influx, economic spillover effects, and strategic concerns over Chinese influence.
• Maldives: India’s challenges include countering radicalization, maintaining influence against Chinese inroads, protecting Indian Ocean security, and balancing diplomatic ties amidst Maldives’ volatile internal politics.
• Nepal: Frequent leadership turnover and growing Chinese influence complicates India’s regional interests and relationships.
  • Nepal recently swore in its 14th government in 16 years.

Along with strategic implications, an unstable neighbourhood also poses an economic threat to India. The World Bank’s report, “A Glass Half Full” points out that South Asia is the least integrated region in the world. Due to this, we miss economic opportunities. The World Bank reports that intra-SAARC trade is just 5%. While intra-ASEAN trade is 25% and 40% of EU trade happens within the EU.

However, India has been trying to make the neighbourhood stable since its independence.

The first PM of India tried to make the neighbourhood peaceful through Panchsheel. This is deemed as the foundation of India’s vision to neighbours even today.

Currently, India adopted the neighbourhood first policy. During the oath ceremony in 2014, PM of India invited all members of the SAARC group. In the second term in 2019, members of BIMSTEC were invited. Its execution was seen in various events – First, During the Pandemic when India provided HCQ tablets as well as vaccines to its neighbour first. Second, India provided 250 houses to Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. Third, amid the economic crisis, India announced to extend a $ 1 billion line of credit to Sri Lanka as part of its financial assistance.

India’s immediate neighbourhood directly impacts it geopolitically, geo-strategically and geo-economically because of its vicinity. Thus, working with them is important for India to rise as a superpower.

18.       Describe about the journey of Himachal Pradesh to become a democratic state.

Answer:

The history of democracy in Himachal Pradesh is one of slow development characterized by conflicts over political autonomy, identity, and regional cohesion.

The journey of Himachal Pradesh can be traced through the following significant events:

Establishment of Himachal Pradesh in 1948

• Prior to gaining independence, Himachal Pradesh was divided into multiple princely states, each with its own government. A single administrative body was established when these states united to become the Chief Commissioner’s Province of Himachal Pradesh on April 15, 1948. Nonetheless, the Chief Commissioner exercised considerable authority over governance, leaving local leaders with little say in how things were done. Himachal’s status as a separate administrative region began at this point.

First Difficulties for Democracy

• Significant resistance to the creation of Himachal Pradesh came from nearby states. While the Maharaja of Patiala had his own intention to unite several hill regions into his kingdom, leaders in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh argued for the incorporation of Himachal’s hill parts into their bigger domains. Prominent national figures like Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru encouraged the creation of a distinct Himachal Pradesh in spite of this opposition, making sure that the state’s regional and cultural identity was maintained.

A Part ‘C’ State with Partial Democracy (1951)

• Himachal Pradesh became a Part ‘C’ state in 1951 when the Government of India passed the Part ‘C’ States Act. With an elected legislative assembly, minimal democracy was implemented in this step. Following the 1951 elections, Dr. Y.S. Parmar was appointed as the first Chief Minister. Nevertheless, the state’s governance remained under the control of the federal government, restricting the authority of regional authorities, therefore complete autonomy was not bestowed.

Democratic Crisis: The Status of Union Territory (1956)

• The States Reorganisation Commission suggested in 1956 that Punjab and Himachal Pradesh be combined due to the latter’s economic backwardness. Himachal’s democratic rights were diminished when it was demoted to a Union territory despite this being refused. The formation of the Territorial Council gave the populace some limited representation, but the Lieutenant Governor, who was chosen by the central government, nevertheless held ultimate authority. The Himachal Pradeshi people’s hopes for democracy suffered during this time as the state’s governance grew increasingly centralised and insensitive to regional demands.

Strengthening and Extending Geographically (1966)

• When numerous hill districts, notably Shimla, Kangra, and Lahaul-Spiti, were moved from Punjab to Himachal, the state of Himachal Pradesh’s borders were enlarged in 1966. Due to its increasing coverage of more cohesively culturally and geographically, the state’s territorial expansion both strengthened the case for full statehood and boosted the state’s political significance.

Complete Statehood and the establishment of Democracy (1971)

• On January 25, 1971, Himachal Pradesh received full statehood and became the 18th state of India, marking the last stage in the state’s democratic transition. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi launched this momentous occasion in Shimla. With 68 elected legislators, Himachal Pradesh now boasted a fully functional legislative assembly as well as total administrative and political autonomy. The people’s long-standing thirst for self-governance and democratic involvement was satisfied by this development.

In summary

Himachal Pradesh’s path to democratic statehood was a convoluted one, influenced by political talks, regional desires, and opposition from neighboring states. Himachal Pradesh overcome several obstacles to build a fully democratic government, giving its people the ability to govern themselves and decide the future of the state, between its establishment in 1948 and full statehood in 1971.

19.       Differentiate between the working of political patterns in the ‘upper’ and ‘lower’ regions of Himachal Pradesh.

Answer:

Geography, socioeconomic conditions, historical associations, and demographic profiles all influence the political tendencies of Himachal Pradesh’s upper and lower areas, respectively. These disparities are visible in voting behavior, election outcomes, and the impact of local issues on political decisions. The political dynamics in these two regions differ, as shown below:

1. Political agenda driven by Geography:

• Upper Himachal Pradesh: The upper regions are distinguished by harsh terrain, greater elevations, and more difficult living circumstances. The tough geography impedes political participation, with a focus on infrastructure, transportation, and fundamental connectivity.
• Lower Himachal Pradesh: The lower regions are more accessible due to improved road networks, rich valleys, and a higher population density. The political agenda here frequently revolves around development issues, agriculture, industry, and government services.

2. Political agenda driven by socioeconomic Profile.

• Upper Himachal: Political discourse in areas dominated by tribal populations, such as Lahaul-Spiti and Kinnaur, is primarily concerned with tribal welfare, cultural identity protection, and access to government schemes. Horticulture (particularly apples), tourism, and government work are all important economic drivers in these locations.
• Lower Himachal: Agriculture horticulture, and industrial development are more important in the lower areas’ economies. This region also sends a sizable proportion of its youth to government and defense positions, making employment and education critical political concerns.

3. Historical political affiliations

• Upper Himachal: Historically, this region has shown more constant support for the Congress Party, owing to its emphasis on tribal welfare programs. The BJP has made gains in recent years, but the Congress has long wielded significant power.
• Lower Himachal: This region, notably Kangra, has been more politically turbulent and competitive for the Congress and the BJP. Kangra district, with a large number of assembly members, is a key political battleground. The BJP has traditionally had a stronger influence in this region, especially in recent elections.

4. Political representation and influence.

• Upper Himachal: Because of their low population density, the upper regions have fewer assembly seats than the lower districts. This limits upper Himachal’s political influence in the state legislature. However, due to their distinct tribal identity, some places receive disproportionate attention from political parties.
• Lower Himachal: Lower Himachal, with more densely populated districts such as Kangra and Mandi, has higher political clout in state elections due to the number of assembly constituencies. These areas are critical in determining the outcome of state elections since they elect more members to the state legislature.

5. Public Participation and Mobilization.

• Higher Himachal: Geographic isolation and low population density frequently hamper political mobilization in the higher regions. Campaigns are more focused on personal engagement and smaller meetings, and the challenging terrain can have an impact on voter turnout.
• Lower Himachal: The lower regions have increased political mobilization, including massive rallies, mass meetings, and higher voter turnout. Political power is concentrated in families, and influential political dynasties may be found here, particularly in Kangra and Mandi.

Conclusion

Upper and lower Himachal Pradesh have unique political tendencies, which are influenced by topography, socioeconomic situations, historical affiliations, and cultural elements. Upper Himachal has generally been more associated with the Congress and focused on tribal concerns and infrastructure, but lower Himachal has been a more competitive and active political battleground, with a significant BJP presence. However, recent electoral results, such as the 2022 elections, indicate that traditional regional political divides may be eroding, with voters increasingly focused on statewide issues rather than regional affiliations.

20.       In Himachal Pradesh, autonomy of urban local bodies, in the post 74th Constitutional Amendment Act era is a more hoax. Comment.

Answer:

The 74th Constitutional Amendment Act (CAA), 1992, was enacted with the intention of decentralizing urban governance in India by endowing Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) with constitutional status. By delegating more duties, responsibilities, and funding to ULBs, this reform aimed to give them more control over how urban affairs are managed. However, there have been major obstacles to the practical implementation of this autonomy in Himachal Pradesh, which has left many wondering if the actual decentralization of authority is more of a sham than a reality.

Why It Is Supposed to Be a Hoax ?

The autonomy of ULBs in Himachal Pradesh has been impeded by many circumstances, even though the 74th Amendment made promises in this regard.

• Centralization of Power: The state government now has more authority over important posts in Municipal Corporations, Municipal Councils, and Nagar Panchayats thanks to the recently passed Municipal Services Amendment Bill-2023. The independence of ULBs is compromised by this increased state supervision, which restricts their capacity to decide on local administration on their own.
• Financial Dependency: Despite having the ability to earn significant amounts of cash from own sources, ULBs nevertheless struggle with financial autonomy, primarily depending on state handouts. Further highlighting financial mismanagement and reliance on state resources is the state’s withdrawal of 50% of grant-in-aid to ULBs and the potential loss of tied grants totaling Rs. 419.40 crore as a result of revising property tax rules slowly.
• Dual Authority and Conflict of Interest: In towns such as Shimla, the Irrigation and Public Health Department (IPH) of the state government and municipal entities have different responsibilities, which has led to ineffective service delivery. For instance, several organizations handle different aspects of wastewater and water management, which causes a lack of cooperation and the spread of illnesses like hepatitis.
• Weak Representation in Smart City Projects: With only 17%–25% representation on the Board of Directors, ULBs’ representation in the governance of Smart City projects in Dharamshala and Shimla is limited. This indicates a lack of genuine power-sharing between state and local bodies, which lessens ULBs’ influence over decisions about urban development.
• Insufficient Public Participation: The latest municipal elections saw just 65% of voters cast ballots, indicating a low degree of civic engagement in local governance, which is necessary for the effective operation of decentralized urban management.

However, there are many benefits of the 74th Amendment:

• Notwithstanding the difficulties, the 74th CAA has improved urban government in Himachal Pradesh in the following ways:
• Constitutional Status: The amendment guaranteed the existence and operation of ULBs and codified their role in urban governance by giving them constitutional recognition.
• Increased municipal Representation: Following the 74th Amendment, regular municipal elections have made it possible for residents to participate more directly in urban governance, which is an improvement over the centralized institutions that existed before.
• Emphasis on Urban Infrastructure Even if ULBs are still underrepresented in decision-making, the 74th Amendment framework’s formation of special purpose vehicles (SPVs) for Smart City initiatives has helped draw investments and introduce a contemporary approach to urban development.

Ideas to Increase Efficiency and Autonomy

• Boost Financial Autonomy: More authority should be granted to ULBs to generate their own income, particularly through creative public-private partnerships, local taxes, and fees. Transparency and sound financial planning can lessen reliance on government funding.
• Minimize State Interference: ULBs should have more autonomy in planning, staff management, and decision-making by way of reforms that reduce state government authority over them.
• Boost Public Participation: To guarantee that locals have a more active role in determining municipal policy, mechanisms for frequent public consultations, community involvement, and participatory government should be strengthened.
• Capacity Building: Municipal officials can become more proficient in project management, financial administration, urban planning, and other areas by investing in capacity-building programs. This will increase the effectiveness of government.
• Handle Dual Authority Conflicts: To prevent duplication and inefficiencies and to provide municipal bodies a clearer role in important areas such as water and sanitation, the overlapping tasks between state agencies and ULBs should be streamlined.

In summary

Although decentralized urban administration in Himachal Pradesh was established by the 74th Constitutional Amendment, administrative, political, and financial obstacles continue to restrict ULB authority. Improving public participation, decreasing governmental intervention, and strengthening ULBs’ financial capabilities are crucial measures to guarantee that the 74th Amendment’s pledges are carried out in full.